Gramsci Bibliography: 2013

Below is a list of recent publications related to Gramsci that have been sent to us or brought to our attention by members of the International Gramsci Society. We update the page as new information becomes available. Previous bibliographies to the year 2004 are linked below, and bibliographies from 1992-2005 are included in the archived issues of the IGS Newsletter under the heading “Gramsci Bibliography: Recent Publications.”

In addition to this site, IGS Italia maintains an up to date list of recent Italian publications, and Fondazione Istituto Gramsci in Rome hosts the comprehensive and searchable Bibliografia Gramsciana, which contains over 15,000 publication listings related to Gramsci.

To include a publication on this page, please send bibliographic information (in MLA format) to Marcus E. Green.

Bibliography: 2013 | 2012 | 2011 | 2010 | 2009 | 2008 | 2007 | 2006 | 2005 | 2004

Last update: March 4, 2014

English

Adamson, Walter Luiz. “Gramsci, Catholicism and Secular Religion.” Politics, Religion & Ideology 14.4 (2013): 468–484.

The article considers Antonio Gramsci's views of religion, the relation of Marxism and religion, secularisation, and secular religion as an overcoming of traditional religions in order to probe his assessment, while he was in prison in the 1930s, of the concrete prospects for a Marxist overcoming of Christianity in the West and, specifically, of the Catholic Church in Italy. It shows that Gramsci had a well-developed and sophisticated historical analysis of secularisation in the West, which he presented in relation to a history of the Catholic Church understood as both a clerical organisation and a community of the faithful. It argues that this analysis led him to conclude that the Church had remained remarkably strong in interwar Italy and, thus, that the immediate prospects for the triumph of secular religion there were remote. However, it also explains why his historical analysis of secularisation left him relatively confident about the long-term prospects of a Marxist secular religion. The article argues that we cannot know if Gramsci would have concurred with the secular-religious strategy pursued by the postwar Italian Communist Party under Palmiro Togliatti and his successors, but it suggests that the very notion of a society based on a common religious worldview is no longer historically plausible.

Carley, Robert. “Agile Materialisms: Antonio Gramsci, Stuart Hall, Racialization, and Modernity.” Journal of Historical Sociology (2013) (pre-print).

This article investigates why Gramsci's theories and concepts have a discrete relevance to the study of race and ethnicity in contemporary contexts. Two theoretical points emerge from the investigation. First, through Gramsci's work, Hall's approach to the structural/cultural theory problem provides an important mediation for theoretical approaches to race. Hall is then able to demonstrate that the racialization of labor and the coercion of workers in colonial and neocolonial contexts, with regard to the "global south" was the rule and not the exception. Second, through an historical and discursive approach, I demonstrate how Gramsci's analysis of politics and political strategies took race into account. I contend that Gramsci's perspective on race facilitated Hall's ability to deploy Gramsci's theoretical framework and concepts.

Carlucci, Alessandro. Gramsci and Languages: Unification, Diversity, Hegemony. Leiden: Brill, 2013. [Link]

Gramsci and Languages offers an explanation of the originality of Gramsci's Marxism and traces the origins of certain specific features of Gramsci’s political thought by looking at his lifelong interest in language, especially in questions of linguistic diversity and unification.

Egan, Daniel. “Rethinking War of Maneuver/War of Position: Gramsci and the Military Metaphor.” Critical Sociology (2013): [preprint]

One of the most important components of Antonio Gramsci's social theory is his discussion of political strategy, particularly his distinction between 'war of maneuver' and 'war of position'. For Gramsci, the classical model of revolution through military insurrection (war of maneuver) has been supplanted within advanced capitalism by a cultural struggle of much longer duration and complexity (war of position). Despite the significance of Gramsci's analysis of war of maneuver/war of position for contemporary Marxism, it is striking that so little attention has been paid to these terms. These terms have a history, both in military theory and in Marxism, which predates Gramsci's prison notebooks. An examination of the military writings of Engels, Lenin and Trotsky, which are grounded more directly on military theory, leads to different conclusions about the nature of political strategy and the relationship between war of maneuver and war of position.

Ekers, Michael, Gillian Hart, Stefan Kipfer, Alex Loftus, eds. Gramsci: Space, Nature, Politics. Wiley-Blackwell, 2013. ISBN: 9781444339703.

This collection brings attention to Antonio Gramsci's work within geographical debates. Presenting a substantially different reading to Gramsci scholarship, the collection forges a new approach within human geography, environmental studies and development theory.

Contents
Formations
Michael Ekers, Gillian Hart, Stefan Kipfer, and Alex Loftus. “A Barbed Gift of the Backwoods”: Gramsci’s Sardinian Beginnings

John Berger. How to Live with Stones

  1. Michael Ekers and Alex Loftus. Gramsci: Space, Nature, Politics
  2. Adam David Morton. Traveling with Gramsci: The Spatiality of Passive Revolution
  3. David Featherstone. “Gramsci in Action”: Space, Politics, and the Making of Solidarities
  4. Stefan Kipfer. City, Country, Hegemony: Antonio Gramsci’s Spatial Historicism
  5. Geoff Mann. State of Confusion: Money and the Space of Civil Society in Hegel and Gramsci
  6. Benedetto Fontana. The Concept of Nature in Gramsci
  7. Abdurazack Karriem. Space, Ecology, and Politics in the Praxis of the Brazilian Landless Movement
  8. Joel Wainwright. On the Nature of Gramsci’s “Conceptions of the World”
  9. Alex Loftus. Gramsci, Nature, and the Philosophy of Praxis
  10. Nicola Short. Difference and Inequality in World Affairs: A Gramscian Analysis
  11. Michael Ekers. Gramsci and the Erotics of Labor: More Notes on “The Sexual Question”
  12. Jim Glassman. Cracking Hegemony: Gramsci and the Dialectics of Rebellion
  13. Vinay Gidwani and Dinesh Paudel. Gramsci at the Margins: A Prehistory of the Maoist Movement in Nepal
  14. Judith Whitehead. Accumulation through Dispossession and Accumulation through Growth: Intimations of Massacres Foretold?
  15. Gillian Hart. Gramsci, Geography, and the Languages of Populism
  16. Stefan Kipfer and Gillian Hart. Translating Gramsci in the Current Conjuncture

Emerson, R. Guy. “Post-Hegemony and Gramsci: A Bridge Too Far?” Contemporary Politics 19.4 (2013): 427-440.

This article expands upon the theory of post-hegemony so as to maintain the multitude as an operative political category alongside the State. Ironically, it does so by returning to Antonio Gramsci. It argues that the multitude – or, for Gramsci 'civil society' – is constitutive of statal politics in two specific ways: (1) the multitude as a constitutive outside or alterity that the State carries; and (2) constitutive in its positivity, as a productive immanence that affects the social field from which the State is drawn. This relationship of constituent participation – not representation – is demonstrated by investigating changes in politics-as-usual in Venezuela.

Giglioli, Matteo Fabio Nels. Legitimacy and Revolution in a Society of Masses: Max Weber, Antonio Gramsci, and the Fin-de-Siecle Debate on Social Order. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 2013. ISBN: 9781412851626

The author examines certain aspects of the intellectual and political background of early twentieth-century theories of legitimacy elaborated by Max Weber and Antonio Gramsci. These theories are interpreted as the outcome of a contested process of redefinition of the concept, itself prompted by the social and political circumstances of the late nineteenth century, such as economic modernization and the attempt to incorporate the working class into the political system.

Hanappi, Hardy, and Edeltraud Hanappi-Egger. “Gramsci Meets Veblen: On the Search for a New Revolutionary Class.” Journal of Economic Issues 47.2 (2013): 375–382.

Thorstein Veblen's class analysis implicitly was a critique of the class analysis of some Marxists, who reduced the interdependence of economic base and ideological superstructure to a causal link from the former to the latter. Veblen's emphasis on the directive to take culture into account occurs later in Antonio Gramsci's theoretical innovations: namely, class struggle for cultural hegemony and the importance of the organic intellectual as ferment for class emergence. Gramsci was experiencing the mass movement of fascism, and the (now) classic analysis of social classes became an urgently needed extension to explain class evolution. Today, capitalism is in deep crisis once again. This paper argues that the drivers of the next revolutionary upheaval will, once more, be the social classes — particularly, the newly emerging ones. We graft ideas of Veblen onto concepts suggested by Gramsci to enhance the theoretical toolbox necessary to understand contemporary global class dynamics.

Ives, Peter, and Nicola Short. “On Gramsci and the International: a Textual Analysis.” Review of International Studies 39.3 (2013): 621–642.

Antonio Gramsci's thought has strongly influenced the fields of IR and IPE through the work of Robert Cox, Stephen Gill, Kees van der Pijl and others, engagements often gathered (not uncontroversially) under the rubric of an ostensibly unified 'neo-Gramscian' position or 'the Italian School'. The emergence of such interventions into IR/IPE has sparked controversy regarding whether Gramsci's work can be legitimately applied to 'the international', both from within IR and in other fields. This article examines the validity of such critiques of 'neo-Gramscian IPE', which we argue rely on problematic characterisations and little evidence from Gramsci's writings. More substantively, we provide an exegesis of the role of the international dimension in the construction of central categories of Gramsci's thought and his approach to nation-state formation and international organisations such as the Catholic Church and the Rotary Club, which have been regrettably neglected by all facets of these discussions. We demonstrate that Gramsci can indeed be understood as a theorist of the international, whose approach is particularly salient for the present historical conjuncture.

Kowal, Emma, ed. Review Forum: The Postcolonial Gramsci, edited by Neelam Srivastava and Baidik Bhattacharya (Routledge 2012). Postcolonial Studies 16.1 (2013).

Contents

  • Emma Kowal. “The Postcolonial Gramsci.” Postcolonial Studies 16.1 (2013): 66–67.
  • Timothy Brennan. “Joining the Party.” Postcolonial Studies 16.1 (2013): 68–78.
  • Neelam Srivastava and Baidik Bhattacharya. “Who Owns Gramsci? Response to Timothy Brennan.” Postcolonial Studies 16.1 (2013): 79–86.
  • Timothy Brennan. “(Dis)owning Responsibility.” Postcolonial Studies 16.1 (2013): 87–89.
  • Marcus E. Green. “On the Postcolonial Image of Gramsci.” Postcolonial Studies 16.1 (2013): 90–101.
  • Stefano Selenu. “In Search of a Postcolonial Gramsci: Method, Thought, and Intellectuals.” Postcolonial Studies 16.1 (2013): 102–109.

Leggett, Will. “Restoring Society to Post-structuralist Politics Mouffe, Gramsci and Radical Democracy.” Philosophy & Social Criticism 39.3 (2013): 299–315.

Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's post-Marxist analysis pushed Gramsci's anti-determinism to its limits, embracing a post-structuralist, discourse-centred politics. Mouffe's subsequent programme for radical democracy has sought a renewed democratic left project. While radical democracy's post-structuralism enables important insights into political subjectivity and antagonism in contemporary democracies, it also weakens its own critical and strategic capacity. By recuperating its Gramscian heritage, radical democracy could be more theoretically and politically effective. In contrast to discourses operating in an entirely open and contingent political field, Gramscian theory offers a more realist – but non-determinist – account of the structural, enabling and constraining properties of ideologies. It also allows for a distinctive institutional space for society. Society is the site upon which political identities are articulated, and from which existing power relations are challenged. But a conception of society also points to the institutional limits to politics, notable by their absence in post-structuralism and radical democracy.

McCarthy, Conor. “Said, Lukács, and Gramsci: Beginnings, Geography, and Insurrection.” College Literature 40.4 (2013): 74–104.

This essay argues that Edward Said's work was deeply shaped by Georg Lukács's theory of reification and totality, as set out in History and Class Consciousness, and also molded by a reinflection of Lukács's thinking through the work of Antonio Gramsci. The interweaving of the influences of Lukács and Gramsci was fundamental in enabling Said's radicalized geographical criticism. The essay shows that though Said frequently disavowed "totalizing" thought, Lukácsian theory actually underpins the ways Said opens his major books, from Beginnings to Culture and Imperialism. The influence of Gramsci, appearing from the later 1970s onward, permits Said to spatialize the insights he had already incorporated from Lukács in a productive interplay.

Miles, Lilian, and Richard Croucher. “Gramsci, Counter-hegemony and Labour Union–Civil Society Organisation Coalitions in Malaysia.” Journal of Contemporary Asia (2013): [pre-print]

The dramatic outcome of the Malaysian 2008 elections has been interpreted within a Gramscian framework. It has, for example, been suggested that the hegemony created by the Malaysian ruling class is being contested, leading to a weakening of its legitimacy, and that an active class of organic intellectuals is emerging and helping to develop potential bases for counter-hegemonic participation. We employ an alternative Gramscian approach, restoring relevant aspects of Gramsci's theories to the centre of analysis. We, therefore, focus on mutual perceptions in coalitions between civil society organisations and trade unions as a key indicator of the strength of counter-hegemonic forces. We conclude that accounts that claim that "counter-hegemony" is developing are questionable at best. Fundamental differences exist between these central institutional actors which sit uneasily with claims that the construction of counter-hegemony is under way.

Morton, Adam David. “The Limits of Sociological Marxism?” Historical Materialism 21.1 (2013): 129-58.

Within the agenda of historical-materialist theory and practice Sociological Marxism has
delivered a compelling perspective on how to explore and link the analysis of civil society, the
state, and the economy within an explicit focus on class exploitation, emancipation, and rich
ethnography. This article situates a major analysis of state formation, the rise of the Justice and
Development Party (AKP), and the growth of a broader Islamist movement in Turkey within the
main current of Sociological Marxism. It does so in order to critically examine the rather bold
revision of the theory of hegemony at the heart of Cihan Tuğal's Passive Revolution: Absorbing
the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism, which posits the separate interaction of political society,
civil society and the state in theorising hegemonic politics in Turkey. My contention is that the
revision of hegemony that this analysis offers and its state-theoretical commitments are deeply
problematic due to the reliance on what I term 'ontological exteriority', meaning the treatment of
state, civil society and the economy as always-already separate spheres. The focus of the critique
then moves toward highlighting a frustrating lack of direct engagement with Antonio Gramsci's
writings in this disquisition on hegemony and passive revolution, which has important political
consequences. While praise for certain aspects of ethnographic and spatial analysis is raised, it is
argued that any account of the reordering of hegemony and the restructuring of spatial-temporal
contexts of capital accumulation through conditions of passive revolution also needs to draw
from a more sophisticated state theory, a direct reading of Gramsci, and broader scalar analysis of
spatial relations and uneven development under capitalism.

Olsaretti, Alessandro. “Beyond Class: The Many Facets of Gramsci’s Theory of Intellectuals.” Journal of Classical Sociology (2013): preprint.

Gramsci's theory of intellectuals is widely cited but rarely closely studied. This article makes a case for a rereading of this theory. This is both desirable and necessary because, as the article shows, it is a more nuanced and yet also encompassing theory than recognized in current scholarship on the sociology of intellectuals, and it actually has much to contribute to a comprehensive modern sociology of intellectuals. This is chiefly by the way it took class into account while transcending it. Far from being limited to a description of intellectuals as class-bound, Gramsci's theory in fact also saw intellectuals as class-less and a class-in-themselves. It also took into account intrinsic qualities of intellectual production and can contribute to questions in subaltern studies and the study of counter-hegemony.

Reed, Jean-Pierre. “Theorist of Subaltern Subjectivity: Antonio Gramsci, Popular Beliefs, Political Passion, and Reciprocal Learning.” Critical Sociology 39.4 (2013): 561–591.

Some recent positions on Antonio Gramsci portray him as a vanguardist who outright rejects common sense and popular culture as playing a role in counter-hegemony or political resistance. This manuscript seeks to provide a corrective to these recent portrayals. It does so by accurately evaluating Gramsci's position on the dialectical relationship subaltern (popular) beliefs have to counter-hegemony; by considering his bottom-up stance on the relationship organic intellectuals have to the subaltern; by focusing on his cutting edge position on ideological articulation; and in light of his articulations regarding the role of subaltern passion and subaltern-centered pedagogy for counter-hegemony. As a way to illustrate the significance of the subaltern for counter-hegemony, the potential of popular religion for counter-hegemony is explored.

Rodriguez, Arturo, and Matthew David Smith. “Antonio Gramsci.” A Critical Pedagogy of Resistance. Ed. James D. Kirylo. SensePublishers, 2013. 69–72.

Rehmann, Jan. “Occupy Wall Street and the Question of Hegemony: A Gramscian Analysis.” Socialism and Democracy 27.1 (2013): 1–18. [Link]

Thomas, Peter D. “Hegemony, Passive Revolution and the Modern Prince.” Thesis Eleven 117.1 (2013): 20–39.

Gramsci's concept of hegemony has been interpreted in a wide variety of ways, including a theory of consent, of political unity, of 'anti-politics', and of geopolitical competition. These interpretations are united in regarding hegemony as a general theory of political power and domination, and as deriving from a particular interpretation of the concept of passive revolution. Building upon the recent intense season of philological research on the Prison Notebooks, this article argues that the concept of hegemony is better understood as a 'dialectical chain' composed of four integrally related 'moments': hegemony as social and political leadership, as a political project, as a hegemonic apparatus, and as the social and political hegemony of the workers' movement. This alternative typology of hegemony provides both a sophisticated analysis of the emergence of modern state power and a theory of political organization of the subaltern social groups. This project is encapsulated in Gramsci's notion of the formation of a 'modern Prince', conceived as both political party and civilizational process, which represents an emancipatory alternative to the dominant forms of political modernity.

Worth, Owen. Resistance in the Age of Austerity: Nationalism, the Failure of the Left and the Return of God. Halifax, N.S.; London; New York: Fernwood Publishing ; Zed Books Ltd., 2013.

In this timely book, Worth assesses the growing diversity of resistance to neoliberalism - progressive, nationalist and religious - and argues that, troublingly, the more reactionary alternatives to globalisation currently provide just as coherent a base for building opposition as those associated with the traditional 'left-wing' anti-globalisation movements. From the shortcomings of the Occupy movement to the rise of Radical Islam, the re-emergence of the far-right in Western Europe to the startling impact of the Tea Party in the US - Worth shows that while a progressive alternative is possible, it cannot be taken for granted.

Zene, Cosimo, ed. The Political Philosophies of Antonio Gramsci and B. R. Ambedkar: Itineraries of Dalits and Subalterns. Routledge, 2013. ISBN: 9781134494019

Contents

  1. Cosimo Zene, Subalterns and Dalits in Gramsci and Ambedkar: A prologue to a ‘posthumous’ dialogue
  2. Part 1: The Emergence of Subaltern/Dalit Subjectivity and Historical Agency
  3. Joseph A. Buttigieg, Subaltern Social Groups in Antonio Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks
  4. Anupama Rao, Revisiting Interwar Thought: Stigma, Labor, and the Immanence of Caste-Class
  5. Jon Soske, The Other Prince: Ambedkar, Constitutional Democracy, and the Agency of the Law
  6. Part 2: The Function of Intellectuals
  7. Roberto Dainotto, Notes on Q6§32: Gramsci and the Dalits
  8. Gopal Guru, Limits of the Organic Intellectual: a Gramscian reading of Ambedkar
  9. Part 3: Subalternity and Common Sense
  10. Kate Crehan, Living Subalternity: Antonio Gramsci’s Concept of Common Sense
  11. Marcus E. Green, Race, Class, & Religion: Gramsci’s Conception of Subalternity
  12. Alessandro Carlucci, The Risorgimento and its Discontents. Gramsci’s Reflections on Conflict and Control in the Aftermath of Italy’s Unification
  13. Part 4: Dalit Literature, Subalternity and Consciousness
  14. Mauro Pala, Hegemony and Consciousness - building Processes in Dalit Literature
  15. Udaya Kumar, Consciousness, Agency and Humiliation: Reflections on Dalit Life Writing and Subalternity
  16. Part 5: The Religion of the Subalterns/Dalits
  17. Fabio Frosini, Why does religion matter to politics? Truth and ideology in a Gramscian approach
  18. Derek Boothman, Intellectuals and Subalterns in the Context of Religion
  19. Tamsin Bradley and Zara Bhatewara, The Place of ‘Practical Spirituality’ in the Lives of the Dalit Buddhists in Pune
  20. Cosimo Zene, Conclusion: Which Itineraries for Dalits, Subalterns and Intellectuals?

French

None to report.

German

None to report.

Italian

See IGS Italia > Bibliografia Italiana. News of Italian publications should be sent to Michele Filippini.

Japanese

La Città Futura, Tokyo Gramsci Society Bulletin No. 57 (May 2013)

  1. Notebook 19 Risorgimento italiano, §30-§47. Translated by the Prison Notebooks Research Group.
  2. Notebook 29 Notes for an introduction to the study of grammar, §1-§9. Translated by the Prison Notebooks Research Group.
  3. Expressivity and hegemony in Gramsci: Notes on Notebook 29 (abridged) by Francesco Agueci, translated by Koichi Ohara

Portuguese

None to report.

Spanish

Herrera Zgaib, Miguel Angel. Antonio Gramsci y la crisis de hegemonía. La refundación de la ciencia política. Bogota, Columbia: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2013.

Turkish

Note: Feyzullah Yilmaz has compiled a list of Turkish Gramsci publications at Neo-Gramsian Portal.

 



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